LEST WE FORGET
Grandmothersaid Blogspot
Wednesday, April 17, 2013
Tuesday, April 9, 2013
A Mother Has to Know the Details..... Where is Luanda _South AFrica?
As my Daughter is traveling the world as an Airline Attendant....
Definition of Luanda
- , formerly named São Paulo da Assunção de Loanda, is the capital and largest city of Angola, in Southern Africa. Located on Angola's coast with the Atlantic Ocean, Luanda is both Angola's chief seaport and its administrative center. It has a metropolitan population of over 5 million. It is also the capital city of Luanda Province, and the world's third most populous Portuguese-speaking city, behind only São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, both in Brazil.
The city is currently undergoing a major reconstruction, with many large developments taking place that will alter the cityscape significantly. Luanda was ranked the most expensive city to live in for expatriates by Mercer, in 2011,[1] but was surpassed by Tokyo in 2012.
The main airport of Luanda is Quatro de Fevereiro Airport, which is the largest in the country. Currently, a new international airport, Angola International Airport is under construction southeast of the city, a few miles beyond Viana, which was expected to be opened in 2011
Atlas Air | Airfleets aviation
Fleet age Atlas Air | Airfleets aviation
Atlas Air operates three Boeing 747-400Fs on behalf of Qantas (quote 2012)
| |||||||||||||
The airline was named after Atlas, a Titan in Greek mythology, who carried the heavens on his shoulders. Their symbol on the plane's tail is a golden man carrying a golden world.
Atlas Air, Inc. is an American cargo and passenger charter airline based in Purchase, Harrison, New York. It operates scheduled freight flights on a wet lease basis for some of the world's leading airlines, flying to 101 cities in 46 countries.
Passenger Service
In October 2009, Atlas Air was selected to operate an outsourced premium passenger private charter service for the U.S.-Africa Energy Association (USAEA). The Agreement to operate the charter was reached with SonAir—Serviço Aéreo, S.A. (SonAir), acting as agent for the USAEA.
This new service replaced World Airways in May 2010, and Atlas operates the charter service with two newly customized Boeing 747-400 aircraft provided by SonAir's parent company. The aircraft are laid out to serve 189 passengers and consists of a 3 class configuration.
The charter service, which has become known as the "Houston Express", includes three dedicated weekly non-stop flights between Houston and Luanda, Angola. While it is not open to the public, it provides USAEA members with a premium non-stop transportation link to support complex long-term projects in the West African energy sector.[8]
Thursday, April 4, 2013
Enlisted in Spanish American War --- 1898.... TB Sipuel
Twelve enlisted men were discharged on disability:
Always learning.... Breech-loading weapons via 1873
Still reading over Private Trall Sipuel's Enlistment Post
The Model
1873 "Trapdoor" Springfield was the first standard-issue breech-loading
rifle adopted by the United States Army
(although the Model 1866 trapdoor had seen limited issue to troops along the
Bozeman Trail in 1867).
The gun, in both full-length and carbine versions, was
widely used in subsequent battles against the American Indians (Black Hills War, Indian Wars, Spanish-American War, Philippine-American War)
The Model 1873
was the fifth variation of the Allin trapdoor design, and was named for its
hinged breechblock, which opened like a trapdoor. The
infantry rifle model featured a 325⁄8-inch (829 mm) barrel, while the cavalry carbine used a
22-inch (560 mm) barrel.
Second Amendment - - huh??? What's your Gun History-Historically?
I guess I haven't thought much about the history of guns in the Huggins Household. But oooooh BTW......
a 22 pistol . . . . .
My daughter said that in highschool, she saw this under Papa's wheel chair pillow! Hmnnnn.... you're kidding. Nope.
I know that on a continual basis my daddy carried this dandy back and forth from church services since he had the money bag in opening and locking doors. Wise old preacher could also everybody entering the front door...... the Bible said to watch and pray..... thus he kept his protection close by in the pulpit.
I remember seeing it under his pillow.... yep he slept with it in case of a break-in...??? He carried it on road trips, Memphis, Geary, OK..... etc. My guess is that he had this dandy as far back as Frederick,OK ! ! ! !
Daddy's been gone since 1997.... and I kinda wish it was still in the family as a genealogy keepsake....(am I fooling anybody.......(smile) I just might need that dandy piece.... a really good backup.....u never know!) But alas.... it was misused just last 2012 and now it's gone.....:( :(

a 22 pistol . . . . .
My daughter said that in highschool, she saw this under Papa's wheel chair pillow! Hmnnnn.... you're kidding. Nope.
I know that on a continual basis my daddy carried this dandy back and forth from church services since he had the money bag in opening and locking doors. Wise old preacher could also everybody entering the front door...... the Bible said to watch and pray..... thus he kept his protection close by in the pulpit.
I remember seeing it under his pillow.... yep he slept with it in case of a break-in...??? He carried it on road trips, Memphis, Geary, OK..... etc. My guess is that he had this dandy as far back as Frederick,OK ! ! ! !
Daddy's been gone since 1997.... and I kinda wish it was still in the family as a genealogy keepsake....(am I fooling anybody.......(smile) I just might need that dandy piece.... a really good backup.....u never know!) But alas.... it was misused just last 2012 and now it's gone.....:( :(

Wednesday, April 3, 2013
Between June and August of 1898 - - In Mobile Alabama
Dad Sipuel @ the tender age of 21.... enlisted in the SPANISH AMERICAN WAR
-
COMPANY H PRIVATE TRALL SIPUEL Draft Card
The
3rd Alabama Volunteer Infantry served out its term of service within the
continental U.S., apparently spending most of its time within the borders of
its home state. It did not see service overseas.
The
regiment was mustered into service between June 4 and August 5, 1898 at Mobile,
Alabama. At the time of mustering in, the regiment consisted of forty-six
officers and 1,185 enlisted men. The regiment was a "Black Regiment"
in that it was made up of African Americans serving under white officers.
The
regiment served in the Department of the Gulf, and was stationed in in Anniston
Alabama in October, 1898. The 3rd Alabama saw no service outside of the U.S.
The regiment was equipped with the model 1884 Springfield
"Trapdoor" rifle.
The
regiment was mustered out on March 20, 1899 at Anniston, Alabama. At the time of
mustering out, the regiment consisted of forty-six officers and 992 enlisted
men. The had seven enlisted men die of disease, and one was killed in accident.
Twelve enlisted men were discharged on disability and four were courtmartialed.
Lastly, eighty-eight enlisted men deserted.
The Black Dispatch Newspaper reported
On September 28, 1946 (bottom of front page)
REV SIPUEL DIES SUDDENLY
Rev. T. B. Sipuel, state overseer of the Church of God, and the father of Ada Lois Sipuel, who is attempting to enter the law classes at the University of Oklahoma, died Tuesday at 3 p.m. in the home of Mrs. J. V. Hearne, 516 N. Kelley.
Dr. J.A. Cox, attending physician, stated that the deceased died from heart failure. His home was in Chickasha,
but Rev. Sipuel spent the greater portion of his time in Oklahoma City at the state headquarters of his church, located on Northeast Second Street.
Funeral services will be held in Oklahoma City at 1 p.m. at the Church of God, 212 North Byars; and Tuesday at 11 a.m. in Chickasha.
Bishop C. H. Mason, Memphis, Tenn.,
and Rev. O.T. Jones, Philadelphia, Pa.,(his picture is lower left in black white photo) . . . . .will attend the services.
REV SIPUEL DIES SUDDENLY
Rev. T. B. Sipuel, state overseer of the Church of God, and the father of Ada Lois Sipuel, who is attempting to enter the law classes at the University of Oklahoma, died Tuesday at 3 p.m. in the home of Mrs. J. V. Hearne, 516 N. Kelley.
Dr. J.A. Cox, attending physician, stated that the deceased died from heart failure. His home was in Chickasha,

but Rev. Sipuel spent the greater portion of his time in Oklahoma City at the state headquarters of his church, located on Northeast Second Street.
Funeral services will be held in Oklahoma City at 1 p.m. at the Church of God, 212 North Byars; and Tuesday at 11 a.m. in Chickasha.
Bishop C. H. Mason, Memphis, Tenn.,
and Rev. O.T. Jones, Philadelphia, Pa.,(his picture is lower left in black white photo) . . . . .will attend the services.
Chickasha Star Newspaper Reported
On October - 02 - 1946 (page 6)....
HEART ATTACK FATAL TO NOTED NEGRO LEADER
A heart attack was fatal to the Reverend Sipuel, prominent negro leader of the city last week in Oklahoma City. He went in a garage in the city to have his car fixed which had been in a wreck. When the garage man said it would cost $600 to repair the car he slumped with a heart attach from which he never recovered.
Stunning . . .right? Unbelievable...??? A white newspaper reporter/editor and owners approved this writeup???
HEART ATTACK FATAL TO NOTED NEGRO LEADER
A heart attack was fatal to the Reverend Sipuel, prominent negro leader of the city last week in Oklahoma City. He went in a garage in the city to have his car fixed which had been in a wreck. When the garage man said it would cost $600 to repair the car he slumped with a heart attach from which he never recovered.
Stunning . . .right? Unbelievable...??? A white newspaper reporter/editor and owners approved this writeup???
Do my eyes fool me.... or not???
Defamation of the SIPUEL Legacy........
"When a great man dies
For years beyond our ken
The light he leaves behind him . .
lies upon the paths of men."
Tuesday, April 2, 2013
Chronicling America
The National Endowment for the
Humanities is offering a portal with video guides on using and searching
Chronicling America, the Historic American Newspapers database from the Library
of Congress and NEH. Link Blog site SassyJaneGenealogy Site
Although it's designed for teachers and students, the "What is
Chronicling America?" site"has a lot to offer genealogists. The site houses
introductory videos on using the database, curated links for searching, and an
ever-growing guide to individual state newspaper partner's podcasts, videos, and
blogs" that can help extend your family resources to partner libraries and
archives.
The Using and Searching videos
are available at the NEH
portal for the newspaper database. The overview video is available
above.
1927 .... in the face of tragedy.... The Sipuel Family
I'm thankful to Granddad . . a man who made provisions for his family....
Seated is Dad Sipuel, he face stern and serious as always. He is full chested, a large seemingly healthy man of about 50 years old.... Where there may be only 6-8 pictures of him, Granddad is most often seen wearing a three piece suit... are those lace up boots or shoes. In from of him.... almost endearingly.... stands his son!!! How proud he must have been to become a father at the age of 44 !! Travis Bruce Sipuel gave his own middle name to his son...... Lemuel Travis (b. 1921/ abt 6 yrs old) and his first-born daughter Ada Lois (abt 4yrs)....
Then standing -- holding their youngest 2 yrs old baby daughter named Helen Marie....Mrs. Martha Belle Smith Sipuel (b 1885) about 42 years old.....
Seeking to study the clothing..... as suggestions of the Sipuel Family financial standing... in a time when many Negroes didn't have money. This is a cropped picture of a church destroyed...??? by fire/nature or maybe a discriminatory act again Granddad???
Each of the Sipuel Children are wearing shoes, a nice little dress, socks and undergarments on Ada, pants fit nicely on Lemuel -- the shirt is light colored w/matching pants... Notice the little church boy nearby is barefooted..... with Short pants and brown-like shirt. Baby Helen has on little sandals and a little girly dress.
Mrs Sipuel looks strong in her body, built rather large in stature....
Going where black folks go...... Little Lemuel and Lois bear a light brown complexion like their father.... and Helen's skin color is light.... though not at all CLEAR--Big Mama was without a color tint in her skin!!
If I guess-estimate that this picture is about 1945 . . . Dad Sipuel is still looking stern in his three piece suit with a watch hanging.... Belle dress is classy... Granddad would now be aged 68 --- Big Mama just turned 60 --- and had grown children....
Lemuel has military stripes on his clothing as a handsome young man....abt 24, with Ada (a more confident, beautifully styled hair) @ 22 and Helen (looking young) at age 20 yrs... STILL A WELL-DRESSED FAMILY..... THANKS TO DAD SIPUEL AND HIS WORK EFFORTS IN THE CHURCH OF GOD IN CHRIST.The Chickasha Media Mistreated My Grandfather Sipuel.....
Some will label me as being on the attack.... verbally direct... in calling the 1946 newspaper article strictly racist..... prejudicial against a prominent Negro who owned a car....
I wondered how much a car cost back in 1945-46??
I wondered how much a car cost back in 1945-46??
What Things Cost in 1945:
Car: $1,250
Gasoline: 21 cents/gal
House: $10,000
Bread: 9 cents/loaf
Milk: 62 cents/gal
Postage Stamp: 3 cents
Stock Market: 152
Average Annual Salary: $2,900
Minimum Wage: 40 cents per hour
Car: $1,250
Gasoline: 21 cents/gal
House: $10,000
Bread: 9 cents/loaf
Milk: 62 cents/gal
Postage Stamp: 3 cents
Stock Market: 152
Average Annual Salary: $2,900
Minimum Wage: 40 cents per hour
Dad Sipuel and Big Mama did indeed buy/own a car, along with two houses. Their first home property in Chickasha, OK was -- on the other side of the railroad tracks..... where a majority of Negroes lived.
The home-place that I know of.... was 601 N First Street, and 605 N First Street.
I may now be able to estimate my grandparents net worth..... possible Average Annual Salary was $2900 yr --- noting that my Big Mama never worked.... the only work available to black women of the early 1910-1940's was daywork... cleaning the homes of whites as a maid.
The story is told that the one time Belle Sipuel did not to work for a white woman... the woman was being as nice as she knew how...(to a colored woman) and was calling her Belle.... do this and do that. Big Mama abhorred being called by her first name by whites --- she was Ms Sipuel.... thus telling her so. Shockingly.... :) that was Big Mama's one and only day of work!!!
THE OLD HOME PLACE ~ EASTER 2013
Almost the usual..... I reflected on my growing-up neighborhood in East Oklahoma City from 1965 to 1982...
So, I turned the corner onto 49the and Wisconsin....
The pictures are a little gloomy on a cloudy day.... there are BARS placed on the front of the entrance.... again..... My Mississippi Daddy's idea of safety! I was looking for a rose bush on the front bedroom window..... I'm pretty sure Daddy replanted half of that plant at Woodridge....
So, I turned the corner onto 49the and Wisconsin....
and I see the large garage Daddy had built in the rear..... I see the converted one car garage that Daddy converted to a bedroom.... Howard Jr and the big boys
I wonder if Daddy Planted the tree..... I might be able to compare a few older family pictures....The pictures are a little gloomy on a cloudy day.... there are BARS placed on the front of the entrance.... again..... My Mississippi Daddy's idea of safety! I was looking for a rose bush on the front bedroom window..... I'm pretty sure Daddy replanted half of that plant at Woodridge....
Friday, March 29, 2013
Monday, February 11, 2013
Married Sixty Five Years Ago ~ 1948
Here's my congratulations.... I'm treating my kin as if they were alive.... such that I speak in a present tense... Truly ~ their lives and my love for them are alive today.
Greetings: Marraige may be Celebrated, in the County of Cook and State of Illinois, between Howard Juggins Jr of Chicago in the County of Cook and the State of ILL at the age of 20 years, and Miss Helen Sipuel of Chicago in the County of Cook and State of ILL at the age of 21 years.
The MOTHER of the said Howard Huggins .....having given Her consent to said Marriage.
Greetings: Marraige may be Celebrated, in the County of Cook and State of Illinois, between Howard Juggins Jr of Chicago in the County of Cook and the State of ILL at the age of 20 years, and Miss Helen Sipuel of Chicago in the County of Cook and State of ILL at the age of 21 years.
The MOTHER of the said Howard Huggins .....having given Her consent to said Marriage.
I would not have thought about who was standing next to my Mom and Dad as they went down to get their marriage license.... the application was dated 6-11-1948 in Chicago. Naturally, My Big Mama (Martha Belle Sipuel) was in Chickasha, OK.... I wonder what was the time sequence to Ada Lois' Lawsuit???
So, My mother was listed as a resident of Cook County... I believe she told me she was living with Auntie Nan Bush.... going to COGIC and met my daddy.
So, it was Mama Dooley ~ who was giving consent to her baby son to marry Helen Sipuel.
Here - - Sixty five years later, I'm am in a first time situation of giving consent to my 31 yr old son into marriage (September 2013)! May the heritage of trust and companionship continue.
Below is my first grandson born 6-16-2005 ~ Jalen Anthony Kirk
Friday, February 1, 2013
Still Learning and Quoting from AR Encyclopedia
Civil War through Reconstructionhttp://www.encyclopediaofarkansas.net/encyclopedia/entry-detail.aspx?entryID=407#
Throughout the American Civil War, thousands of slaves escaped from bondage in Arkansas and made their way to the Union army encampments. The exact number has never been determined, but anecdotal reports indicate that hundreds, perhaps thousands, died from malnutrition and disease in fetid, unsanitary, hastily constructed “shanty towns” and settlements.
The escaped slaves in their midst created a dilemma and a headache for the Union commanders. One obvious and at least partial solution was to enlist able-bodied adult males into the military itself. In April 1863, Brigadier General Lorenzo Thomas, adjutant general of the U.S. Army, issued an appeal to the freedmen to volunteer for service, and many quickly flocked to the colors. The army immediately recruited three black companies in Helena (Phillips County), and they became the nucleus for the First Arkansas Volunteer Infantry Regiment (African Descent) Its new commander was Captain Lindley Miller, an abolitionist from a New York regiment. Eventually, over 5,000 former slaves in Arkansas joined the Union army.
White Confederates were incensed at the sight of black soldiers wearing blue uniforms. Even the notion of black men fighting for the Confederacy and donning the gray aroused intense ire. Throughout the Confederate States of America (CSA), slaves were sometimes used to help construct earthworks or other military fortifications and were used as cooks, servants to Confederate officers, or in similar capacities, but they were not permitted to enlist. Arkansas’s most brilliant Confederate commander, Major General Patrick Cleburne, learned to his own detriment how great was the opposition to the idea of slaves bearing arms, even if for the Rebel cause. In the winter of 1863–64, facing the Union’s overwhelming numerical superiority and the growing possibility of the Confederacy’s defeat, Cleburne recommended that slaves be recruited into the army and given their freedom in return. Historian Thomas A. DeBlack noted that Cleburne’s proposal, though quietly rejected, damaged his career. The CSA did adopt a similar policy in 1865, but by then it was too late.
The revulsion against the idea of slaves or former slaves bearing arms also affected Rebel attitudes and actions toward black soldiers serving in the Union army. Lieutenant General Edmund Kirby Smith, the Confederate commander in the Trans-Mississippi West, encouraged those serving under him to treat “armed negroes and their officers” not as regular soldiers protected by ordinary rules of civilized warfare but as runaways and armed insurrectionists. Smith’s policy led directly to the slaughter of captured black Union soldiers at the Engagement at Poison Spring in south Arkansas on April 18, 1864. Southern white savagery bred black savagery in turn. Soon after, at the Engagement at Jenkins’ Ferry, fought on April 30, 1864, soldiers of the Second Kansas Colored Infantry, the companion unit to the First Kansas Colored Infantry regiment whose survivors had been massacred at Poison Spring, executed a new command of their white officers to “take no prisoners as long as the Rebels…murder our men.”
When the guns of war finally fell silent in Arkansas in May 1865, the circumstances of black Arkansans had already undergone radical transformation. Slavery had not only collapsed as a practical matter but had been legally abolished in the constitution of a new Unionist state government established in Little Rock during the spring of the previous year. In some respects, however, the new constitution, largely the creation of white Unionists from the Ozark Mountain country of northwest Arkansas, left black Arkansans in a kind of legal limbo: they were no longer bondsmen, but they were not yet fully free men and women enjoying all the rights of American citizens. While the Unionist state constitution of 1864 eliminated slavery and repudiated secession, for instance, it did not extend the right to vote or hold public office to any black citizens, not even to those who were literate, owned property, or were soldiers in or veterans of the Union army. One provision in the constitution was reminiscent of the antebellum statutes against free blacks; it specified that no blacks not already living in Arkansas could establish residence in the state, except by authority of the government of the United States or under proclamation of the president of the United States.
Conditions worsened further insofar as black equality was concerned when ex-Confederates gained control of the Arkansas General Assembly following the August 1866 state elections. The new “rebel” legislature of 1866–1867 adamantly refused to ratify the proposed Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Moreover, the legislature proceeded to adopt a new “Black Code” that contravened the notion of equal protection. Although the code did extend to the freedmen some rights that they had never enjoyed as slaves—including the right to form legal marriages, to enter into legal contracts, to hold property, to sue and be sued, and to give evidence in court—it also imposed upon them special proscriptions: blacks could not vote or hold public office, serve on juries or in the militia, or attend schools with or intermarry with whites.
Similar actions occurred in other Southern states as well, and eventually these provocations brought about a Northern backlash. Between March and July 1867, Congress passed three new Reconstruction Acts. These new measures set into motion a process whereby the Southern state governments were dismantled and replaced by new, more radical state governments in which black men could vote, hold public office, and enjoy full political equality.
Former Arkansas slaves immediately seized these new opportunities. Most of the adult black males who were eligible participated in a new registration of voters conducted by the U.S. Army. Since many ex-Confederates boycotted the registration in protest against the Reconstruction Acts, at its conclusion, black men constituted thirty-five percent of the state’s new electorate, even though they made up twenty-five percent of the state’s population. Eight black men served as delegates to the new state constitutional convention of 1868 and actively participated in its deliberations. Under the new Reconstruction state government established by the 1868 constitution, black men exercised significant political power. Two black men held cabinet-level state positions. Joseph C. Corbin, a graduate of Oberlin College in Ohio, served as superintendent of public instruction from 1873 to 1874, while William H. Grey, a native of Washington DC, held the post of commissioner of immigration and state lands from 1872 to 1874. At the height of Reconstruction in 1873, twenty black men were serving in the Arkansas General Assembly, and numerous black county and local officials served in the black-majority counties of the east Arkansas Delta.
Black officeholders used their influence to advance the interests of their people. Those who served in the constitutional convention of 1868 were able to enshrine in that document provisions guaranteeing black voting and office-holding and creating a system of public schools; they also succeeded in blocking provisions prohibiting interracial marriages. Subsequently, African Americans serving in the General Assembly helped obtain ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment. Further, they also worked successfully for two new state civil rights statutes in 1868 and 1873. The 1873 measure required owners or proprietors of businesses providing public accommodations, including those involving transportation and entertainment, to provide services to all without unequal treatment. Failure to comply could result in stiff fines and possible imprisonment. Another section of the act required that school districts furnish black children facilities equal to those given white children. The civil rights laws were infrequently enforced, but their presence slowed the development of segregationist practices.
Post Reconstruction through the Gilded AgeThese gains continued after Reconstruction ended in Arkansas in 1874. The various rival political alignments that emerged in Arkansas between 1872 and 1874 may have been bizarre, but Arkansas at least managed to avoid the intense racial and political polarization that characterized the collapse of Reconstruction in many other Southern states.
When white conservatives convened a new state constitutional convention on July 14, 1874, to bring Reconstruction in Arkansas to an end, eight black delegates attended, and the final document included provisions that allowed for the continuance of black suffrage, black office-holding, and the new black school system. In addition, the document even contained a “Declaration of Rights” that was reminiscent of the “equal protection” clause of the U.S. Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment.
The first governor elected under the new constitution in 1874, white Democrat and “Redeemer” conservative Augustus H. Garland, promised during his gubernatorial campaign that, if elected, he would retain the Civil Rights Act of 1873 and protect black citizens’ access to the ballot and to free public schools. In his first proclamation as governor, he struck a conciliatory note, asking the different races to unify for the continuing greatness of the state. Garland even encouraged white Democrats in the predominantly black counties of the Delta to share offices with African Americans through an arrangement known as the “fusion principle.” By this device, political party county committees met before the day of voting and allotted each other places on the ballot. Each party agreed not to contest those positions assigned to the other, and a “compromise ticket” would then be presented at the forthcoming election. Thanks to the operation of this system, black men continued to vote and hold many local county offices and seats in the state legislature until the early 1890s.
This measure of political equality helped some black men to realize a degree of economic and social mobility. This was particularly true in the state’s rapidly developing cities and towns, especially in Little Rock, where the population increased from 3,727 in 1860 to 38,307 in 1900. During this same time span, the city’s black population increased from twenty-three to thirty-eight percent of the city’s total. Most of Little Rock’s black populace, refugees from the plantations, had limited education and few advanced skills. Toiling as day laborers, porters, and domestic servants, they earned bare subsistence incomes. Even so, a number of factors in Little Rock’s urban milieu opened avenues for potential advancement. These included a more cosmopolitan population possessing at least a modicum of “urbanity” and tolerance for difference; a vigorous multi-party system in which Republicans, Democrats, and members of third parties vied for black votes; a well-financed public school system that offered a full nine-month school term, a high school program, and a more diverse curriculum for children of both races; and a white business establishment that prized enterprise, initiative, bustle, and ability, particularly the ability to raise capital and make money, and that was willing to accord a degree of recognition to individual African Americans who demonstrated these qualities.
Thanks to these various factors, urbanization facilitated the appearance of something entirely new in the history of Arkansas race relations: an authentic black bourgeoisie. By the turn of the century, a thriving black commercial district had emerged along Little Rock’s West Ninth Street, where a small class of independent black artisans, craftsmen, and merchants operated their places of business. Similar districts emerged in several other large towns scattered across the state. Above the tradesmen and the shop owners, at the head of black society, were thriving entrepreneurs and professional men, some of whom had acquired substantial wealth. One notable example was businessman Wiley Jones of Pine Bluff. By the early 1890s, he owned the city’s racetrack, one of its two streetcar systems, extensive rental properties, and was a partner with several prominent whites in one of Pine Bluff’s major real estate development companies; his net worth at that time was estimated to be approximately $300,000.
Education and religion were two spheres, greatly intertwined, in which black Arkansans were rapidly developing their own institutions. The first state-supported black institution of higher education in the state was Branch Normal College in Pine Bluff (Jefferson County), now the University of Arkansas at Pine Bluff (UAPB), which was established in 1873. Following it, black religious groups created three other colleges in the following few years: Philander Smith College, established as Walden Seminary in Little Rock in 1877 for the training of black Methodist ministers; Arkansas Baptist College, founded as Minister’s Institute by the Colored Baptists of the State of Arkansas in 1884, also in Little Rock; and Shorter College, originally Bethel University, established in Little Rock in 1886 by the African Methodist Episcopal Church but later moved to North Little Rock (Pulaski County). Within the Methodist and Baptist circles, African Americans often organized their own denominations separate from whites, and a few ministers in Arkansas rose to positions of prominence within their respective groups. Elias Camp Morris of Helena, for instance, was elected president of the National Baptist Convention in 1895.
Throughout the American Civil War, thousands of slaves escaped from bondage in Arkansas and made their way to the Union army encampments. The exact number has never been determined, but anecdotal reports indicate that hundreds, perhaps thousands, died from malnutrition and disease in fetid, unsanitary, hastily constructed “shanty towns” and settlements.
The escaped slaves in their midst created a dilemma and a headache for the Union commanders. One obvious and at least partial solution was to enlist able-bodied adult males into the military itself. In April 1863, Brigadier General Lorenzo Thomas, adjutant general of the U.S. Army, issued an appeal to the freedmen to volunteer for service, and many quickly flocked to the colors. The army immediately recruited three black companies in Helena (Phillips County), and they became the nucleus for the First Arkansas Volunteer Infantry Regiment (African Descent) Its new commander was Captain Lindley Miller, an abolitionist from a New York regiment. Eventually, over 5,000 former slaves in Arkansas joined the Union army.
White Confederates were incensed at the sight of black soldiers wearing blue uniforms. Even the notion of black men fighting for the Confederacy and donning the gray aroused intense ire. Throughout the Confederate States of America (CSA), slaves were sometimes used to help construct earthworks or other military fortifications and were used as cooks, servants to Confederate officers, or in similar capacities, but they were not permitted to enlist. Arkansas’s most brilliant Confederate commander, Major General Patrick Cleburne, learned to his own detriment how great was the opposition to the idea of slaves bearing arms, even if for the Rebel cause. In the winter of 1863–64, facing the Union’s overwhelming numerical superiority and the growing possibility of the Confederacy’s defeat, Cleburne recommended that slaves be recruited into the army and given their freedom in return. Historian Thomas A. DeBlack noted that Cleburne’s proposal, though quietly rejected, damaged his career. The CSA did adopt a similar policy in 1865, but by then it was too late.
The revulsion against the idea of slaves or former slaves bearing arms also affected Rebel attitudes and actions toward black soldiers serving in the Union army. Lieutenant General Edmund Kirby Smith, the Confederate commander in the Trans-Mississippi West, encouraged those serving under him to treat “armed negroes and their officers” not as regular soldiers protected by ordinary rules of civilized warfare but as runaways and armed insurrectionists. Smith’s policy led directly to the slaughter of captured black Union soldiers at the Engagement at Poison Spring in south Arkansas on April 18, 1864. Southern white savagery bred black savagery in turn. Soon after, at the Engagement at Jenkins’ Ferry, fought on April 30, 1864, soldiers of the Second Kansas Colored Infantry, the companion unit to the First Kansas Colored Infantry regiment whose survivors had been massacred at Poison Spring, executed a new command of their white officers to “take no prisoners as long as the Rebels…murder our men.”
When the guns of war finally fell silent in Arkansas in May 1865, the circumstances of black Arkansans had already undergone radical transformation. Slavery had not only collapsed as a practical matter but had been legally abolished in the constitution of a new Unionist state government established in Little Rock during the spring of the previous year. In some respects, however, the new constitution, largely the creation of white Unionists from the Ozark Mountain country of northwest Arkansas, left black Arkansans in a kind of legal limbo: they were no longer bondsmen, but they were not yet fully free men and women enjoying all the rights of American citizens. While the Unionist state constitution of 1864 eliminated slavery and repudiated secession, for instance, it did not extend the right to vote or hold public office to any black citizens, not even to those who were literate, owned property, or were soldiers in or veterans of the Union army. One provision in the constitution was reminiscent of the antebellum statutes against free blacks; it specified that no blacks not already living in Arkansas could establish residence in the state, except by authority of the government of the United States or under proclamation of the president of the United States.
Conditions worsened further insofar as black equality was concerned when ex-Confederates gained control of the Arkansas General Assembly following the August 1866 state elections. The new “rebel” legislature of 1866–1867 adamantly refused to ratify the proposed Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Moreover, the legislature proceeded to adopt a new “Black Code” that contravened the notion of equal protection. Although the code did extend to the freedmen some rights that they had never enjoyed as slaves—including the right to form legal marriages, to enter into legal contracts, to hold property, to sue and be sued, and to give evidence in court—it also imposed upon them special proscriptions: blacks could not vote or hold public office, serve on juries or in the militia, or attend schools with or intermarry with whites.
Similar actions occurred in other Southern states as well, and eventually these provocations brought about a Northern backlash. Between March and July 1867, Congress passed three new Reconstruction Acts. These new measures set into motion a process whereby the Southern state governments were dismantled and replaced by new, more radical state governments in which black men could vote, hold public office, and enjoy full political equality.
Former Arkansas slaves immediately seized these new opportunities. Most of the adult black males who were eligible participated in a new registration of voters conducted by the U.S. Army. Since many ex-Confederates boycotted the registration in protest against the Reconstruction Acts, at its conclusion, black men constituted thirty-five percent of the state’s new electorate, even though they made up twenty-five percent of the state’s population. Eight black men served as delegates to the new state constitutional convention of 1868 and actively participated in its deliberations. Under the new Reconstruction state government established by the 1868 constitution, black men exercised significant political power. Two black men held cabinet-level state positions. Joseph C. Corbin, a graduate of Oberlin College in Ohio, served as superintendent of public instruction from 1873 to 1874, while William H. Grey, a native of Washington DC, held the post of commissioner of immigration and state lands from 1872 to 1874. At the height of Reconstruction in 1873, twenty black men were serving in the Arkansas General Assembly, and numerous black county and local officials served in the black-majority counties of the east Arkansas Delta.
Black officeholders used their influence to advance the interests of their people. Those who served in the constitutional convention of 1868 were able to enshrine in that document provisions guaranteeing black voting and office-holding and creating a system of public schools; they also succeeded in blocking provisions prohibiting interracial marriages. Subsequently, African Americans serving in the General Assembly helped obtain ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment. Further, they also worked successfully for two new state civil rights statutes in 1868 and 1873. The 1873 measure required owners or proprietors of businesses providing public accommodations, including those involving transportation and entertainment, to provide services to all without unequal treatment. Failure to comply could result in stiff fines and possible imprisonment. Another section of the act required that school districts furnish black children facilities equal to those given white children. The civil rights laws were infrequently enforced, but their presence slowed the development of segregationist practices.
Post Reconstruction through the Gilded AgeThese gains continued after Reconstruction ended in Arkansas in 1874. The various rival political alignments that emerged in Arkansas between 1872 and 1874 may have been bizarre, but Arkansas at least managed to avoid the intense racial and political polarization that characterized the collapse of Reconstruction in many other Southern states.
When white conservatives convened a new state constitutional convention on July 14, 1874, to bring Reconstruction in Arkansas to an end, eight black delegates attended, and the final document included provisions that allowed for the continuance of black suffrage, black office-holding, and the new black school system. In addition, the document even contained a “Declaration of Rights” that was reminiscent of the “equal protection” clause of the U.S. Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment.
The first governor elected under the new constitution in 1874, white Democrat and “Redeemer” conservative Augustus H. Garland, promised during his gubernatorial campaign that, if elected, he would retain the Civil Rights Act of 1873 and protect black citizens’ access to the ballot and to free public schools. In his first proclamation as governor, he struck a conciliatory note, asking the different races to unify for the continuing greatness of the state. Garland even encouraged white Democrats in the predominantly black counties of the Delta to share offices with African Americans through an arrangement known as the “fusion principle.” By this device, political party county committees met before the day of voting and allotted each other places on the ballot. Each party agreed not to contest those positions assigned to the other, and a “compromise ticket” would then be presented at the forthcoming election. Thanks to the operation of this system, black men continued to vote and hold many local county offices and seats in the state legislature until the early 1890s.
This measure of political equality helped some black men to realize a degree of economic and social mobility. This was particularly true in the state’s rapidly developing cities and towns, especially in Little Rock, where the population increased from 3,727 in 1860 to 38,307 in 1900. During this same time span, the city’s black population increased from twenty-three to thirty-eight percent of the city’s total. Most of Little Rock’s black populace, refugees from the plantations, had limited education and few advanced skills. Toiling as day laborers, porters, and domestic servants, they earned bare subsistence incomes. Even so, a number of factors in Little Rock’s urban milieu opened avenues for potential advancement. These included a more cosmopolitan population possessing at least a modicum of “urbanity” and tolerance for difference; a vigorous multi-party system in which Republicans, Democrats, and members of third parties vied for black votes; a well-financed public school system that offered a full nine-month school term, a high school program, and a more diverse curriculum for children of both races; and a white business establishment that prized enterprise, initiative, bustle, and ability, particularly the ability to raise capital and make money, and that was willing to accord a degree of recognition to individual African Americans who demonstrated these qualities.
Thanks to these various factors, urbanization facilitated the appearance of something entirely new in the history of Arkansas race relations: an authentic black bourgeoisie. By the turn of the century, a thriving black commercial district had emerged along Little Rock’s West Ninth Street, where a small class of independent black artisans, craftsmen, and merchants operated their places of business. Similar districts emerged in several other large towns scattered across the state. Above the tradesmen and the shop owners, at the head of black society, were thriving entrepreneurs and professional men, some of whom had acquired substantial wealth. One notable example was businessman Wiley Jones of Pine Bluff. By the early 1890s, he owned the city’s racetrack, one of its two streetcar systems, extensive rental properties, and was a partner with several prominent whites in one of Pine Bluff’s major real estate development companies; his net worth at that time was estimated to be approximately $300,000.
Education and religion were two spheres, greatly intertwined, in which black Arkansans were rapidly developing their own institutions. The first state-supported black institution of higher education in the state was Branch Normal College in Pine Bluff (Jefferson County), now the University of Arkansas at Pine Bluff (UAPB), which was established in 1873. Following it, black religious groups created three other colleges in the following few years: Philander Smith College, established as Walden Seminary in Little Rock in 1877 for the training of black Methodist ministers; Arkansas Baptist College, founded as Minister’s Institute by the Colored Baptists of the State of Arkansas in 1884, also in Little Rock; and Shorter College, originally Bethel University, established in Little Rock in 1886 by the African Methodist Episcopal Church but later moved to North Little Rock (Pulaski County). Within the Methodist and Baptist circles, African Americans often organized their own denominations separate from whites, and a few ministers in Arkansas rose to positions of prominence within their respective groups. Elias Camp Morris of Helena, for instance, was elected president of the National Baptist Convention in 1895.
Alluvial Plains of Arkansas
Mississippi Alluvial Plain
aka: Mississippi Delta, Arkansas Delta, Delta, Mississippi River Delta
The Mississippi Alluvial Plain (a.k.a. Delta) is a distinctive natural region, in part because of its flat surface configuration and the dominance of physical features created by the flow of large streams. This unique physiography occupies much of eastern Arkansas including all or parts of twenty-seven counties. The Alluvial Plain, flatter than any other region in the state, has elevations ranging from 100 to 300 feet above sea level. In Arkansas, the Alluvial Plain extends some 250 miles in length from north to south and varies in width from east to west from only twelve miles in Desha County to as much as ninety-one miles measured from Little Rock (Pulaski County) to the Mississippi River.
....terrain and soil suitable for large-scale farming. In fact, the Mississippi Alluvial Plain is one of the most agriculturally productive regions in the world.
Alluvial (stream-deposited).
Slaveholding and cotton plantations were especially concentrated in the fertile river bottom lands of eastern Arkansas’s Mississippi River Delta and in southern Arkansas’s Gulf Coastal Plain,
This region of East and Southern ARKANSAS... accounted for and held about 74% of the state’s SLAVE POPULATION by 1860.
Small to Medium sized Plantations in this particular areas of AR --- which may have been like the James A Anderson plantation.
In 1860, there were 12,131 slaves (eleven percent) belonged to white families owning from one to four slaves
Notably, a larger number of slaves, about 48,000 slaves (forty-three percent) belonged to owners who held from five to twenty-four slaves.
For such slaves -- Like Lucinda Smith b. 1948.... who would have been child-bearing 1860. Her last of 14 children was Bell Smith b. 1895 in Chicot, AR.... She as a slave resided on maybe such a small or medium-sized farm/plantation. Her work as a cook, like the other slaves..... a work regimens and physical circumstances may not have differed radically from those of their white owners.
LARGER PLANTATIONS.
Again, in 1860, there were over 51,000 slaves (forty-six percent) working on the large estates -- (funny how this website denotes household... a slave is a slave, a plantation is a plantation...)
There were over 51,00 slaves being owned by the nine percent of Arkansas White slaveholders who possessed from twenty-five to over 500 slaves.
In this case, slaves generally had less direct contact with their white owners, and the disparity in living conditions was much greater.
While slaves working on large plantations had less opportunity to develop individual ties with their masters, they also had more autonomy. It was on these larger units that true slave communities began to develop and flourish, including African tribal-influenced religious services, traditional folk medicine, and West African folk stories involving animals such as the famous “Brer Rabbit.” The plantation slave communities functioned as extended families. There was no such thing as legal marriages for slaves, and the immediate family could be shattered at any moment by slave sales or estate distributions. Under such circumstances, the personal ties that could develop within the slave communities and the system of mutual practical and emotional support that the slave communities could offer were invaluable.
Oh Well..
Now let's talk POLITICS in this Alluvial Delta area of Arkansas! vs the Northwestern part of AR
Between 1890 and 1968, thousands of towns across the United States drove out their black populations or took steps to forbid African Americans from living in them. Thus were created “sundown towns,” so named because many marked their city limits with signs typically reading, “Nigger, Don't Let The Sun Go Down On You In Alix”—an Arkansas town in Franklin County that had such a sign around 1970. By 1970, when sundown towns were at their peak, more than half of all incorporated communities outside the traditional South probably excluded African Americans, including probably more than a hundred towns in the northwestern two-thirds of Arkansas. White residents of the traditional South rarely engaged in the practice; they kept African Americans down but hardly drove them out. Accordingly, no sundown town has yet been confirmed in the southeastern third of Arkansas that lies east of a line from Brightstar (Miller County) to Blytheville (Mississippi County), and only three likely suspects have emerged.
Much of this area had been Unionist during the Civil War. Until 1890, white residents had maintained fairly good relations with their small African-American populations, partly because African Americans and white non-Democrats were political allies. Then, election law changes and Democratic violence made interracial coalitions impractical. Now, it would not pay to be anything but a Democrat. Allied with this Democratic resurgence, a wave of neo-Confederate nationalism swept Arkansas: most Ozark county histories written after 1890 tell of the war exclusively from the Confederate point of view. More than ever, it was in the interest of white populations to distance themselves from African Americans. Precisely in counties where residents had been Unionists, white residents now often seemed impelled to prove themselves ultra-Confederate and manifested the most robust anti-black fervor
Sundown Towns.... Black in AR 1860-1900's
Arkansas' Ozark Mountain Blacks: An Introduction
Gordon D. Morgan and Peter Kunkel
Phylon (1960-)
Vol. 34, No. 3 (3rd Qtr., 1973), pp. 283-288
Published by: Clark Atlanta University
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/274187
Vol. 34, No. 3 (3rd Qtr., 1973), pp. 283-288
Published by: Clark Atlanta University
Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/274187
Smokey Crabtree, longtime resident of Fouke (Miller County), wrote in 2001:
As far back as the late twenties colored people weren’t welcome in Fouke, Arkansas to live, or to work in town. The city put up an almost life sized chalk statue of a colored man at the city limit line, he had an iron bar in one hand and was pointing out of town with the other hand. The city kept the statue painted and dressed, really taking good care of it. Back in those days colored people were run out of Fouke, one was even hung from a large oak tree…. As of this date there are no colored people living within miles of Fouke, so the attention getter, the means to shake the little town up isn’t “the Russians are coming,” it’s someone is importing colored people into town.Sundown reputations persist. “Never walk in Greenwood or you will die,” a black Arkansas college student said in 2002. The 2000 census showed two African-American households in Greenwood (Sebastian County), however, so his information may be out of date. But such reputations can be self-maintaining.
For additional information:Crabtree, Smokey. Too Close to the Mirror. Fouke, AR: Days Creek Production, 2001.
Dougan, Michael. Arkansas Odyssey: The Saga of Arkansas from Prehistoric Times to Present. Little Rock: Rose Publishing Company, 1994.
Froelich, Jacqueline, and David Zimmerman. “Total Eclipse: The Destruction of the African American Community of Harrison, Arkansas, in 1905 and 1909.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 58 (Summer 1999): 131–159.
Harper, Kimberly. White Man’s Heaven: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2010.
Jaspin, Elliot. Buried in the Bitter Waters: The Hidden History of Racial Cleansing in America. New York: Basic Books, 2007.
Lancaster, Guy. “The Cotter Expulsion of 1906 and Limitations on Historical Inquiry.” Baxter County History 38 (April, May, June 2012): 26–29.
———. “‘Negroes Are Leaving Paragould by Hundreds’: Racial Cleansing in a Northeast Arkansas Railroad Town.” Arkansas Review: A Journal of Delta Studies 41 (April 2010): 3–15.
———. “‘Negroes Warned to Leave Town’: The Bonanza Race War of 1904.” Journal of the Fort Smith Historical Society 34 (April 2010): 24–29. Online at http://library.uafortsmith.edu/fshsj/34-01_Complete_Issue.pdf (accessed August 8, 2011).
———. “‘There Are Not Many Negroes Here’: African Americans in Polk County, Arkansas, 1896–1937.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 70 (Winter 2011): 429–449.
———. “‘They Are Not Wanted’: The Extirpation of African Americans from Baxter County, Arkansas.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 69 (Spring 2010): 28–44.
Loewen, James W. Sundown Towns: A Hidden Dimension of American Racism. New York: The New Press, 2005.
———. “Sundown Towns and Counties: Racial Exclusion in the South.” Southern Cultures 15 (Spring 2009): 22–47.
Morgan, Gordon D. Black Hillbillies of the Arkansas Ozarks. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Department of Sociology, 1973.
Nichols, Cheryl Griffith. “Pulaski Heights: Early Suburban Development in Little Rock, Arkansas.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 41 (Summer 1982): 129–145.
Pickens, William. “Arkansas—A Study in Suppression.” In These “Colored” United States: African American Essays from the 1920s, edited by Tom Lutz and Susanna Ashton. New Brunswick, CT: Rutgers University Press, 1996.
“Possible Sundown Town in Arkansas.” The Homepage of James Loewen. http://sundown.afro.illinois.edu/sundowntownsshow.php?state=AR (accessed March 1, 2011).
Rea, Ralph R. Boone County and Its People. Van Buren, AR: Press-Argus, 1955.
“The Real Polk County.” The Looking Glass: Reflecting Life in the Ouachitas 5 (January 1980): 16.
Research Collection. Rogers Historical Museum, Rogers, Arkansas.
Robles, Josh. “Amity’s Lost Black Community.” Clark County Historical Journal 33 (2006): 8–16.
Shiloh Museum of Ozark History. Springdale, Arkansas.
The History of Arkansas Culture (linked)
http://www.encyclopediaofarkansas.net/encyclopedia/entry-detail.aspx?entryID=846
tells me a great deal more at Slaves living during this time in this area of the South.
1843, Arkansas denied free blacks entry into the state, and in 1859, Arkansas required such persons to leave the state by January 1, 1860, or be sold into slavery. Moreover, in 1864, the loyalist Arkansas faction passed a new state constitution that abolished slavery but excluded African Americans from moving into the state. However, that constitution never went into effect, and during Reconstruction, African Americans participated politically across the state. In 1890, every county had at least six African Americans, and only one had fewer than ten.
Then, between 1890 and 1940, white residents forced African Americans to make a “Great Retreat” in Arkansas and across the North. During this “Nadir of Race Relations,” lynchings peaked, and unions drove African Americans from such occupations as railroad fireman and meat cutter. Democrat Jeff Davis ran for Arkansas governor in 1900, 1902, and 1904, and then for the U. S. Senate in 1906; his language grew more Negrophobic with each campaign. “We have come to a parting of the way with the Negro,” he shouted. “If the brutal criminals of that race…. lay unholy hands upon our fair daughters, nature is so riven and shocked that the dire compact produces a social cataclysm.” White people responded with violence. By 1930, three Arkansas counties had no African Americans at all, and another eight had fewer than ten, all in the Arkansas Ozarks. By 1960, six counties had no African Americans (Baxter, Fulton, Polk, Searcy, Sharp, and Stone), seven more had one to three, and yet another county had six. All fourteen were probably sundown counties; eight have been confirmed.
Much of this area had been Unionist during the Civil War. Until 1890, white residents had maintained fairly good relations with their small African-American populations, partly because African Americans and white non-Democrats were political allies.
Then, election law changes and Democratic violence made interracial coalitions impractical. Now, it would not pay to be anything but a Democrat. Allied with this Democratic resurgence, a wave of neo-Confederate nationalism swept Arkansas: most Ozark county histories written after 1890 tell of the war exclusively from the Confederate point of view. More than ever, it was in the interest of white populations to distance themselves from African Americans. Precisely in counties where residents had been Unionists, white residents now often seemed impelled to prove themselves ultra-Confederate and manifested the most robust anti-black fervor.
HERE AGAIN IS CHICOT COUNTY IN AR
Its name was thought to have come from the French word "chicot" (stumpy) for the many cypress knees along the river. Lake Village is the county seat. Chicot County is the state's southeastern-most county
Population: 14,117 Three school districts:
Dermott
Eudora
Lakeside - Chicot County
Population: 14,117 Three school districts:
Dermott
Eudora
Lakeside - Chicot County
Railroad in Lucinda's Chicot, Arkansas area
The first actual railroad in Arkansas was laid from what is now West Memphis (Crittenden County) to Madison (St. Francis County), which is on the St. Francis River, in 1858. This was the first section of what would become the Memphis and Little Rock Railroad, and it was the only functioning railroad completed by the end of the decade.
Town of Eudora in Chicot County, Arkansas
The city of Eudora is located in Chicot County approximately 39 miles south of McGehee... hmnnnnnnn
tells me a great deal more at Slaves living during this time in this area of the South.
The city of Eudora is located just 3 miles west of the Mississippi River... it is in the southeastern corner of Arkansas, and was built on land rising twenty-five feet above the surrounding Delta flatlands. It came about as a result of antebellum plantations and an early twentieth-century railroad. Eudora calls itself the “Catfish Capital of Arkansas.”
Early 1836 - - 1856 --- a twenty year span
Louisiana Purchase through Reconstruction
The rich fertile land on which Eudora was established was still only sparsely settled when Arkansas became a state in 1836. A Presbyterian church was built on the ridge in the 1840s, and a Masonic lodge opened at that location in 1848.
E. C. Jones owned 700 acres of Chicot County land, including the ridge; he named his homestead Eudora Plantation for his daughter, Frances Eudora Jones, who died at the age of four in 1858. The same name was given to the post office on the ridge, which opened on December 4, 1856, but closed in 1867, opened again in 1871, closed a second time in 1876, and reopened in 1888.
Slave labor helped to build levees, which protected the farmland on and near the Eudora Plantation. The first house built within the borders of what today is Eudora was constructed by a family named Sweet around 1858; it later became known as the W. H. Stephenson house.
The site also was used for the landing of a ferry that crossed Bayou Macon beginning in 1856. The same location was just a few miles from a Mississippi River port variously known as Barnard and Grand Lake.
First Baptist Church, one of the first African-American churches in the area, was established in 1860.
After the Civil War Census timeline 1870-1800-1900
The end of slavery after the Civil War had a major impact upon the cotton plantations of the region.
In 1866, Ferdinand Weiss arrived from Germany and, with his brother Herman, opened a store they called H. Weiss and Co. Competing stores were opened in 1868 and 1870.
The Bayou Macon ferry was replaced by a wooden bridge in 1886. By 1895, four white families lived on the ridge, as well as several black families. Farming of cotton and of corn, as well as timber operations, continued. Doctor Samuel Augustus Scott had built a house around 1883; he served families in southern Chicot County and also in much of northeast Louisiana.
The city of Eudora is located in Chicot County approximately 39 miles south of McGehee... hmnnnnnnn
Again, these are neighboring counties....
The 2000 census shows the town of Eudora to be a smaller town whose population was 2819 -- with a total land area of only 3.1 square miles. The census data reports 2,189 people, 1,047 households, and only 731 families: population density was 912.7 people per square mile.
Today's racial makeup of the city is about 13.9% white, LARGELY -- 84.5% Black, 1.38% Hispanic, then under 1% for Native American, Asian, Pacific Islander, others and those from two or more races.
I VISITED THEIR WEBSITE AND DISCOVER A WELCOME FROM A BLACK TOWN MAYOR STANTON
The History of Arkansas Culture (linked)
http://www.encyclopediaofarkansas.net/encyclopedia/entry-detail.aspx?entryID=846tells me a great deal more at Slaves living during this time in this area of the South.
The city of Eudora is located just 3 miles west of the Mississippi River... it is in the southeastern corner of Arkansas, and was built on land rising twenty-five feet above the surrounding Delta flatlands. It came about as a result of antebellum plantations and an early twentieth-century railroad. Eudora calls itself the “Catfish Capital of Arkansas.”
Early 1836 - - 1856 --- a twenty year span
Louisiana Purchase through Reconstruction
The rich fertile land on which Eudora was established was still only sparsely settled when Arkansas became a state in 1836. A Presbyterian church was built on the ridge in the 1840s, and a Masonic lodge opened at that location in 1848.
E. C. Jones owned 700 acres of Chicot County land, including the ridge; he named his homestead Eudora Plantation for his daughter, Frances Eudora Jones, who died at the age of four in 1858. The same name was given to the post office on the ridge, which opened on December 4, 1856, but closed in 1867, opened again in 1871, closed a second time in 1876, and reopened in 1888.
Slave labor helped to build levees, which protected the farmland on and near the Eudora Plantation. The first house built within the borders of what today is Eudora was constructed by a family named Sweet around 1858; it later became known as the W. H. Stephenson house.
The site also was used for the landing of a ferry that crossed Bayou Macon beginning in 1856. The same location was just a few miles from a Mississippi River port variously known as Barnard and Grand Lake.
First Baptist Church, one of the first African-American churches in the area, was established in 1860.
Quite a Timeline
After the Civil War Census timeline 1870-1800-1900
The end of slavery after the Civil War had a major impact upon the cotton plantations of the region.
In 1866, Ferdinand Weiss arrived from Germany and, with his brother Herman, opened a store they called H. Weiss and Co. Competing stores were opened in 1868 and 1870.
The Bayou Macon ferry was replaced by a wooden bridge in 1886. By 1895, four white families lived on the ridge, as well as several black families. Farming of cotton and of corn, as well as timber operations, continued. Doctor Samuel Augustus Scott had built a house around 1883; he served families in southern Chicot County and also in much of northeast Louisiana.
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